One-year prison sentence and a six-year ban on public office prohibition can be as a heavy penalty for a politician.
But Bosnian-Serbal Leader Milalis Dodik made a light on the judge’s court of Bosnia and Herzegovina.
The President of the Most Region of the Republic of the Republic of the country tells supporters of a rally to the Regional Capital Banja Luka with “no reason to worry”.
His convictions about charges ignoring international high representative judgments is “Nonsense”, he said.
Dodik said he “learned to deal with more difficult things” and called by the Republic of Srpska’s Srpska’s Srpska’s Srpska’s Sincka’s Srpska capital “Rejoice”.
The judge is to conclude a long-running dodik and international high representative for Bosnia and Herzegovina, Christian Schmidt.
Schmidt is still the highest authority in Bosnia, 30 years from the Dayton Agreement that the Bosnian war ended in the 1990s.
The high deputy has the power to inflict or advertise laws – and sacrifices of the sacks from the judges of political leaders.
A former post holder, Paddy Ashdown, the former Liberal Democratic leader in the UK, nearly 60 Bosnian-Serbian officials in 2004, in a cracking of their protection of war criminals.
But the powers of the high representative were used shorter than the following years, since the International Bosnian supporters came into hope to work together to make a living and prosperous country.
The strategy is not successful. Ethno-nationalist leaders stay in a country divided by two “entities” – the most-ser.
Central Government is weak – and there is little incentive for parties to work together. However, their guidance is simple and self-interested: division, rule and profit.
As a result, the country is struggling with low salaries, a lazy economy and a constant flow of migration by talented people asking for a better future.
“The bossians of all ethnicity are united in their hatred for their own leaders,” says Toby Vogel, co-founder in the Democrationalization Policy Council to look at the tank.
“They want to not vote for these guys, but it is structured almost impossible for cross-community politicians and parties to go out.”
However, leaders like Dodik are selected, every time. The SNSD Party leader used to serve as the Serbos representative of the three-person presidency and first became the Prime Minister of the Republic Srpska in 1998.
A constant theme of his leadership is the threat of triggering the trigger of the mostly region of Serbo.
Dodik and his government often work to prevent national bosnia national institutions, introduced consecutive laws to obtain the Republic of Armed Forces, Judiciary and System in meaning.
Such efforts finally pushes high representative to move and endure the law of segment.
Christian Schmidt warns that the change in conflict, but it is forced to “not sit while others seek to break (decades) in peace, strength and development”.
Obviously Dodik looked like a challenge. He approved a law that declares that the Republic Srpska will not recognize Schmidt’s rule. The legislation has already been eliminated – and it has been made a criminal offense to contradict his decisions.
That led to the prosecution of the Bosnian-Serb leader – with prosecutors calling for a maximum five-year prison sentence and 10-year ban from holding elected office. Dodik warns her to take “radical steps” when found guilty.
His conviction did not bring any fireworks to the present. At this point, Dodik insists that he does not request. However, the Government of the Republic Srpska once further suggests the law of withdrawal from national institutions – including the court passing the guilty judges.
But dodik is facing problems with bosnia boundaries. The US and UK inflicted the sanctions to him and his family for corruption – threatening the union of Bosnia and Herzegovina – and Russian connections.
Toby Vogel believes that the Bosnian-Serb leader is better threatened than court conviction.
“The conflict of high representatives will strengthen,” he said. “But Dodik can go through the road.”
“He ran out of money to pay his bloated administration … and he couldn’t save money on international markets. Therefore, he really was in a deep turmoil.”
None of this can comfort the long people in Bosnia and Herzegovina. They still continue to wait waiting for the prosperity promised by ethno-nationalist such as dodik. This most recent clash of court shows how far away from that prospect.
